what is feminist theory in international relations

It is often a counter to the positivist search for social facts that are independent of values, such as is posited by Durkheim. At the same time, International Relations feminists have had rich theoretical debates among themselves over critical questions about epistemology, ontology, methodology, and ethics. The NGO working group on Women, Peace, and Security. From its inception, feminist IR has always shown a strong concern with thinking about men and, in particular, masculinities. Thus, the concept of gender as intersectionality also has normative and political implications for feminist efforts to understand complex identities and differences within international relations. In the volume following from the Millennium special issue, editors Grant and Newland (1991:5) contended that International Relations was “excessively focused on conflict and anarchy and a way of practising statecraft and formulating strategy that is excessively focused on competition and fear.” In their view, this singular focus impoverished the field of international relations. Tickner (2006) has suggested that feminist efforts to broker conversations across differences present a potential way forward for responsible practices of International Relations scholarship. A prominent basis for much of feminist scholarship on war is to emphasize the ways in which men are seen as the sole actors in war. Feminist perspectives on international relations mirrored the focus of global women’s movements, more so than the statist theoretical concerns of the mainstream International Relations field, by developing gendered analyses of nationalism and ethnic conflict, democratization, and economic globalization. What contributions of such equality can be listed for international relations? Share. [29] While women are more educated in the western world than ever before, the average woman's socioeconomic powers still do not match the average man's. As well as differences, there are synergies between feminism and neorealism, feminism and neoliberal institutionalism. Efforts to transform gender domination depend greatly on how its existence is understood or explained. This might involve examining the meanings of gender as they are institutionalized in new rules and hegemonies, and critically scrutinizing them in terms of feminist goals and criteria for a more gender-just world order. Another avenue for feminist International Relations would be to explore the normative approaches of multilateral economic institutions to justice and equity, including gender justice and equity. Gendering International Relations Working Group of the British International Studies Association. Hooper suggests that a deeper examination of the ontological and epistemological ways in which IR has been inherently a masculine discipline is needed. They are akin to what Ann Tickner (2006), in her speech as President of the International Studies Association, broadly termed “feminist practices of responsible scholarship.”. Demonstrating their self-reflexivity about this political implication of their argument, they explicitly state: “As citizens of the most highly-armed possessor state [and antiwar feminists], our credibility […] will be contingent upon our committed efforts to bring about nuclear disarmament in our own state, and our own efforts to redress the worldwide inequalities that are underwritten by our military superiority.”. It is made up of a group of academics, students, and researchers who are concerned to expose how “gender makes the world go round.” In order to do this, we reach beyond traditional IR to a wide variety of disciplines, including sociology, politics, women’s/gender studies, masculinity studies, queer theory, cultural studies, and development studies, while still maintaining our grounding in IR and global politics. These dialogues place men in positions of high politics, and reinforce symbolic understandings of ‘women’s issues’ versus ‘men’s issues’, and who best represents offices of high-politics due to naturalized understandings of individual's bodies and gendered identities. These feminist theoretical differences revolve around, firstly, epistemological stance, secondly, feminist concepts of gender relations, and thirdly, feminist normative approaches to world politics. Conversely, feminist IR scholar Charlotte Hooper effectively applies a feminist consciousness when considering how “IR disciplines men as much as men shape IR”. In this way, care ethics is also an axiological approach that draws ethical guidelines from feminist theory for humanitarian intervention, multilateral peacekeeping, development aid, foreign security policy, and human rights protection, among other practical global issues and dilemmas (see Hutchings 2000:122–3). Feminism as an IR theory is increasingly not separable from other theoretical approaches such as constructivism, Marxism, liberalism, or even realism. To the extent that critical theory perspectives on globalization remain at a macro level of analysis, and neglect gendered dynamics, they cannot suggest possibilities for the transformation of political economies. Employing epistemological strategies of deconstruction, displacement, and distraction, including the strategic use of woman and/or the feminine, postmodern feminists aim to destabilize both IR’s and feminism’s philosophical and epistemological grounds (Berman 2003; Jabri 2003; Zalewski 2006). Structural oppression theories posit that women's oppression and inequality … To take an example, Brooke Ackerly tries to build a feminist universalist theory of human rights that is sensitive to local, cultural struggles and the social contexts of rights by listening to as well as analyzing the partial perspectives of Third World women human rights activists (Ackerly 2000; 2001). International Relations feminists share a praxis-oriented normative theory, consciously building theory from practice and to guide political practice, but their normative theoretical and political positions are plural. At www.siyanda.org, accessed Oct. 2009. Following Marxism, the feminist standpoint asserts that a stronger, more objective perspective on social reality can be gained from taking the standpoint of marginalized political subjects, historically women, who by virtue of their dominated position tend to be less ideologically vested in maintaining the status quo. The 1979 decision by NATO to base ground cruise missiles at Greenham Common initiated a response from women largely associated with various feminist and anti-nuclear groups. The website of the four United Nations agencies that have either the advancement of women or gender equality as their brief. [7] This perspective is then applied to the renewal of Trident nuclear weapons, a plan which Duncanson and Eschl argue is enabled by the UK government's use of masculinized language that seems to be constructed into the state's identity. This difference among International Relations feminists reflects the development of feminist theories in relation to neo-Marxist, constructivist and poststructural theories. However, the growing influence of feminist and women-centric approaches within the international policy communities (for example at the World Bank and the United Nations) is more reflective of the liberal feminist emphasis on equality of opportunity for women. [25]. Her essay was entitled ‘Well, what is the feminist perspective on Bosnia?’. The normative implication of this feminist constructivist analysis is that by (re)producing the civilian/combatant dichotomy, international relations inscribes gender hegemonies within domestic (familial) and international (civilized) orders. At www.bisa.ac.uk/, accessed Oct. 2009. This approach critically scrutinizes the conditions of exclusion in these “fields” in order to bring about the emancipation of all subjects, feminist and nonfeminist. [17][18] For example, in her book Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity, Judith Butler explores the possibility of troubling gender first by examining conventional understandings of gender that support masculine hegemony and heterosexist power, and subsequently wondering about the extent to which one can undermine such constitutive categories (that is, male/female, man/woman) through continually mobilizing, subverting, and proliferating the very foundational illusions of identity which seek to keep gender in its place. Some scholars turn to explanations such as rape as a weapon or as a reward for soldiers during the war. But they retain the belief in the value of a feminist/gender perspective from the political margins that begins by asking questions about excluded women’s lives, i.e., the work women do and structural impacts on them, although they do not stop there (see, e.g., Enloe 2000; Tickner 2006). In 1995, International Affairs published Marysia Zalewski's powerful and provocative analysis of the discipline of International Relations' lack of engagement with feminist scholarship. Relating to gender, rationalist feminism explores not only how war arises, but specifically how gender affects the causes, likelihood and outcome of conflict. In the United Kingdom, best doctoral dissertation and best published article prizes go to scholars of gender and international relations, many PhDs are produced in the subfield, and scholars go on to take up regular international relations positions in major British universities. [3] So, instead of focusing on what and whom IR excludes from the conversation, Hooper focuses on how masculine identities are perpetuated and ultimately are the products of the practice of IR. What distinguishes most feminist theories of international relations is their ethical commitments to inclusivity and self-reflexivity, and attentiveness to relational power (Ackerly and True 2006; 2008). [2] During this event, those involved came up with the word “combatant” to describe those in need during these usually high-strung negotiations. It is not merely an additive to IR research designs but a form of productive power. In regards to feminism in International Relations, some of the founding feminist IR scholars refer to using a "feminist consciousness" when looking at gender issues in politics. There are several promising avenues for the future of feminist International Relations that involve closer engagement with other International Relations theories. Indeed, many IR feminists argue that the discipline is inherently masculine in nature. For example, International Relations feminist scholarship on globalization examines the neoliberal perspectives of international institutions, state agencies, and elites in promoting capital mobility as well as the perspectives of female migrant domestic servants, micro-enterpreneurs, and women trafficked for prostitution that cross borders to facilitate this global production and reproduction (Chin 1998; Marchand and Runyan 2000; Jeffery 2002). Chan-Tiberghien (2004:477) argues that the concept of gender as intersectionality has facilitated “feminist interventions across a spectrum of global issues” and made possible a new phase of transnational feminist mobilization. By contrast, feminist and constructivist International Relations theories appear on their face to be much more compatible and have been combined in different ways in several influential studies (Keck and Sikkink 1998; Prugl 1999). In line with Cohn and Ruddick's (2003) aforementioned article, part of what feminist anti-militarism critiques is the framework in which weapons of mass destruction are “discussed”. Despite the apparent affinities between feminist and critical theories of international relations, feminists judge critical International Relations scholars’ neglect of the gender dimensions of injustice and the possibilities for transformation to be a demonstrable weakness for the practical application of the normative theory (Robinson 1999; Ackerly and True 2006). Poststructuralist feminism prioritizes difference and diversity to the extent that it recognizes all identities as absolutely contingent social constructions. While this may be a fruitful line of research from the perspective of these mainstream International Relations theories, it can hinder efforts to advance feminist theories of International Relations, which are guided by ethical commitments to inclusivity, self-reflexivity, and attentiveness to relational power. As Cochran (1999) argues, normative International Relations theorists have failed to take up feminist questions about multiple, intersecting oppressions in a systematic way because they address ethical questions within the dichotomous communitarian versus cosmopolitan framework which is based on the assumption of a male subject. Thus, rather than a source of division, the contestations among International Relations feminisms about the epistemological grounds for feminist knowledge, the ontology of gender, and the appropriate ethical stance in a globalizing albeit grossly unequal world are a source of their strength. In piecemeal ways, critical International Political Economy has recognized feminist mobilization against neoliberal forms of globalization and that women are an increasingly large proportion of workers in the strategic sectors of global production and reproduction. Feminist theories of international relations are distinguished by their ethical commitments to inclusivity and self-reflexivity, and attentiveness to relationships and power in relationships. Feminism does not merely add another theoretical perspective to International Relations. Because feminist IR is linked broadly to the critical project in IR, by and large most feminist scholarship has sought to problematise the politics of knowledge construction within the discipline - often by adopting methodologies of deconstructivism associated with postmodernism/poststructuralism. In part due to their association with domestic “soft” (read: feminine) politics, they argued IR had neglected studies of norms, ideas, and processes such as structural violence including poverty, environmental injustice, and sociopolitical inequality that many scholars argue are the root causes of international conflict and insecurity. "Feminist International Relations: a contradiction in terms? They also scrutinize the gendered discourses in the Islamic fundamentalist groups behind the terrorist acts of violence against the West and among the US occupation forces in Iraq and the greater Middle East (Kaufman-Osborn 2005). Postmodern feminist theories are crucial for our critical analysis of security discourses and practices of statecraft in the anti-terror era. These norms implicitly guide feminists to put into practice their own critical theories, epistemologies, and explicit normative commitments. Boston Consortium on Gender, Security and Human Rights, Working Paper 104, 3-33. Many of the feminist contributions published in Millennium and in the early 1990s challenged the conventional ontologies and epistemologies of International Relations. Contrary to some recent claims, feminism’s normative commitments to particular ideals or worlds are not what distinguish it from other international relations theories (see Carpenter 2002; Caprioli 2004). Feminist theory has yet to be translated into guidelines for ethical conduct by state and non-state actors in international relations. One tradition that exists within the field for this purpose is that of feminist anti-militarism. It is also linked to Liberal thought, insofar as it highlights ‘democratic peace’ literature, creating an overlap between the paradigms. In her book Gender in International Relations, Tickner noted in particular that what is called “national security” is profoundly endangering to human survival and sustainable communities and fails to take account of women’s experiences of insecurity (Tickner 1992). Feminism as IR theory emerged in late 1980s. But they understand the structures, processes, and agents of globalization for the most part in gender-neutral terms. Compared with their normative differences, it might seem easier to integrate the empirical aspects of feminism and critical theory with respect to their analysis of the contemporary global political economy. Employing this approach to gender, Helen Kinsella (2005) explores how the ostensibly gender-neutral distinction between civilians and combatants in the international laws of war is produced upon gender discourses that naturalize sex and gender difference. Signs, 12(4), 687-178. The essay also considers the conversations or lack thereof between feminist and nonfeminist international relations theories (see Tickner 1997). Our members also work in policy-related areas, such as human rights, maternity legislation in Europe, and links between UN peacekeepers and the spread of HIV/AIDS. As a method, it deconstructs the gendered assumptions of both IR and feminism and finds “women” and “men” where they are not supposed to be, at least according to conventional gender scripts. [21] With regard to difference feminism, gender theory questions, again, what is meant by the term “women;” what factors might lead to “women” requiring specific designs, implementations, and evaluations of policies; what is considered to constitute “difference” in the material and cultural experience of “men” and “women;” and what aspects of that “difference” suppose its especial significance. In sum, feminist dialogic approaches seek common, albeit contested, ground among feminists, situated in different contexts and struggles around the world, as well as among feminist and nonfeminist International Relations theories, divided by their different ways of knowing and seeing the world (see Tickner 1997). THE NGOWG advocates for and monitors the participation of women, prevention of conflict, and protection of all civilians and aims to ensure full and rapid implementation of SCR 1325s around the world, especially in conflict zones and post-political settlement countries. Constructivist International Relations theorists tend to use concepts of socially constructed identities, ideas and norms to empirically and analytically examine aspects of international relations without explicitly addressing their normative content. Some feminists argued that women’s lives on the margins of world politics afford us a less biased and more “realistic” understanding of international relations given their distance from dominant institutions and elite power (Runyan and Peterson 1991; Tickner 1992). To pull from Judith Butler's work and view “the sexed body as much a product of discourses about gender as discourse about gender are a product of the sexed body.”[26], Certain parts of the academic realm of IR theory did not offer the feminist perspective serious attention because of differences with its ways of addressing problems within the discipline. Tickner (2001) observed that mainstream American International Relations, in particular, was focused narrowly on its own paradigmatic research questions, marginalizing the more popular questions that dominated the global public realm in the 1990s. Duncanson, C., & Eschle, C. (2008). [26] It is critical that researchers seek to explain further the barriers that women endure in their attempts to attain political office on any level. It begins by defining what is gender and attempts to problematize gender in IRT. "[34], Barriers to femininities and female bodies. It is accepted, for example, that part of understanding IR is analyzing how hegemonic constructions of masculinity motivate men and women soldiers to fight and protect, and how these gendered identities legitimate war and national security policies. Intersectional analysis of gender marks a paradigm shift away from the monolithic representation of gender relations as the patriarchal domination of women by men without regard to race, ethnicity, and sexual and colonial hierarchies. On the other hand, feminist theory can be developed through its application to international relations, in particular through observing how "adding women," taking women's However, if gender hegemonies are located in discourse, then feminist strategies for transformation will involve struggles over the meanings of women and gender embedded in rules and norms, and will likely require institutional engagement with states and international organizations to disrupt and/or change their practices (Prugl 2004; cf. Critical feminists scrutinize the normative assumptions of a perspective by evaluating their practical import for the struggles of women and men located in varied social contexts and, within those contexts, in a myriad of intersecting power relations. In Cynthia Enloe's article “Gender is not enough: the need for a feminist consciousness”, Enloe explains how International Relations needs to include masculinity in the discussion on war, while also giving attention to the issues surrounding women and girls. [2] This discussion is crucial for the analysis of how various masculinities are at play in International Politics, and how those masculinities affect women and girls during wartime and peace and initially eliminates them from the discussion. As well as the different theoretical treatment of gender as an analytic category and gender as a variable, relational gender and intersectional gender, International Relations feminists vary in how they understand the construction and reproduction of gender relations. Womenwatch. Laura Sjoberg (2006:898) argues that neither women nor men are protected by the gendered immunity principle that extends from the laws of war. Ontologically, feminist theory believes that the world and roles within it are socially constructed. The end of the Cold War also had a profound impact on the political opportunities available for principled, non-state actors to participate in global politics and put nontraditional issues on global policy agendas. Keohane, R. O. Looking from a political aspect, as is the case in International Relations, “feminism” contains a distinct definition. war, security, etc.) Instead, its ethical commitment to inclusivity and attentiveness to relationships opens International Relations to feminist criticism from within the discipline as feminists draw on marginalized actors and subjects to challenge conventional International Relations theories, while the commitment to self-reflexivity and attentiveness to power opens International Relations to feminist criticism from outside the discipline in the broad interdisciplinary field of feminist knowledge and social movements. 11 Brooke A. Ackerly and Jacqui True, ‘Studying the struggles and wishes of the age: Feminist theoretical methodology and feminist theoretical methods’, in Ackerly, Stern, and True (eds), Feminist Methodologies for International Relations, p. 248. Thus, even when constructivist research does take account of gender identities and norms, it tends to treat them in a nominal way, as explanatory variables, not as something themselves to be explained (see Carpenter 2006). [7] The authors borrow Cohn's rendition of the relationship between gender and nuclear weapons to examine the way in which discourses are shaped by underlying dichotomous views of masculinity and femininity. From the outset, feminist theory has challenged women’s near complete absence from traditional IR theory and practice. Through a diversity of viewpoints, feminism provides optimism for the broadening of theory and of empirical base. These norms implicitly guide feminists to put into practice their own critical theories, epistemologies, and explicit normative commitments. Many feminist theorists trace their interest in international relations as an area of study to their involvement in Cold War peace movements and in feminist peace politics that go back to World War I and efforts to broker international peace and security in the League of Nations (Rupp 1997). It is self-critical with respect to all efforts to assimilate the other or develop a discourse with global application (see also Bergeron 2001; Hutchings 2004). More recently, feminists have given an explicit account of their alternative methodologies for researching international relations. However, while International Relations critical theorists acknowledge the importance of change-oriented theorizing, International Relations feminists privilege the moment of political practice in the process of theorizing and judge normative and ethical theories in terms of the practical possibilities they open up (Robinson 2006). Some International Relations feminists assert the political value of the ethic of care in international relations whereas other feminists focus on difference and suggest a postmodern form of feminist ethics that recognizes the plurality of the self and is responsive to its constitutive other (Jabri 2003). For feminist constructivists, this approach reproduces masculinist ways of knowing, denying the scholars’ own normative position and relationship to their research subjects. To begin with, there must be a consideration of women's socioeconomic status, and thus a difficulty in funding a campaign. [23] Gender theory, with regard to discursive politics, for instance, would examine the identities, the constitutive categories,[19] created and/or perpetuated by the language and meaning of gender equality and/or difference in such international institutions. [2] For instance, Enloe explains Carol Cohn's experience using a feminist consciousness while participating in the drafting of a document that outlines the actions taken in negotiating ceasefires, peace agreements and new constitutions. [8] These are some of the concepts that Carol Cohn and Sara Ruddick explored in their article “Feminist Ethical Perspective on Weapons of Mass Destruction,” (2003) which laid out the meaning behind what they referred to as “anti-war feminism”. To view gender as ‘performative’ instead of just something we are born with or into. 2006:10). Gender and the Nuclear Weapons State: A Feminist Critique of the UK Government’s White Paper on Trident. [6] Such opposition stems partly from the questionability of how effective warfare/militarism is, and whether the costs, (albeit monetary, environmental, and especially human) that are inevitably incurred yet not always accounted, for are worth it.[6]. Moreover, many of the questions feminists ask about how, for example, manly men and states make war and how war shapes masculinities and femininities have required them to go beyond the traditional boundaries of the International Relations field into the domains of sociology, psychology, law, philosophy, and the interdisciplinary fields of cultural studies, gender and sexuality studies, masculinity studies, and so on (e.g., Goldstein 2002). Feminist scholars shaped by their activist experiences considered it a moral imperative to include women’s voices and to change both the subjects and the objects of study (Tickner 2006). They shift the attention away from the subject of women or the perspective of gender difference in IR. 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